Cultural Resources Survey of Approximately 700 Acres, O'Keefe Wildlife Management Area, formerly the village of Chancy and State Penal Farm Camp B, Quitman County, Mississippi
Report submitted to Mississippi Department of Archives and History, February 2003
The lands managed by MDWFP as O'Keefe Wildlife Management Area (WMA) include two inholdings titled to other state agencies. These are the 200-acre former Allen tract (Chancy) purchased as wetland mitigation areas by the Mississippi Department of Transportation (MDOT) and an additional 200-acres in the main area of Camp B, still owned by the Mississippi Department of Corrections (MDOC) and now the site of the Quitman County Work Release Center. There are also adjacent tracts managed for game by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) as a National Wildlife Refugee (NWR); these lands were obtained by Farm Service Administration (FSA) foreclosure on farms during the 1980s agricultural crisis, which confiscated much low-quality land in Quitman and Tallahatchie counties and eventually turned them over to the USFWS. The MDWFP obtained the MDOC lands in Township 26 North, Range 1 West in Quitman County though Senate Bill 2893 (2001) for $500,000, terminating a prior lease (Quitman County Deed Book 83:590).
The survey area lies in a large area of Wisconsin-age braided stream surface that now is cut by the Tallahatchie River. These older valley surfaces occur at various points in the Central and Lower Mississippi valley, and are a prime location for the discovery of early human sites. The surface that includes the Tallahatchie basin is an outwash plain formed by waning episodes during the last ice age.
In 1944, Harold Fisk undertook a massive effort at mapping the surface geomorphology of the Mississippi Valley below Cairo. Fisk mapped the area of the project area as a Stage A1 (earliest) alluvial fan remnant and attributed the braided stream channels on this surface to the ancestral Ohio River. He believed that at the time of waning glaciation most of the outflow followed the course of the present Yazoo system along the eastern margin of the valley. He thought this had been around 6000 years ago; this was before the development of radiometric dating methods using carbon or oxygen isotopes, so his work, while still valid in the large part represents only a relative chronology. Fisk indicates that after the abandonment of a braided regime, the main glacial melt outflow continued to be carried by the Ohio and maps some large-radius meanders (the Fourmile Bayou-Devil's Racetrack and Grassy Lake brakes) as Stage A3 Ohio courses, but shows most of this early meander belt to have been cut and overlain by a Stage C1 and then a Stage H combined Mississippi and Ohio River large-radius meander belts, now occupied by the Coldwater River and Cassidy Bayou.
Saucier's (1994) remapping of the Mississippi alluvial valley in some ways retreated from the ambitions of Fisk's (1944) effort, in that his attempted channel chronology is somewhat less detailed, particularly on the braided stream surface covered by this cultural resources survey. However, understanding of fluvial processes, and most importantly, real chronology, had improved dramatically since Fisk's monumental effort. Saucier maps the O'Keefe WMA area as Pleistocene Late Wisconsin Stage valley train level 2. The final individual channels on the project area portion of the valley train are not mapped in detail, and they are not attributed to a specific river system (Mississippi or Ohio). This remnant of pre-deglaciation valley train is bordered on the west by Holocene point bar or meander scroll deposits of Mississippi River meander belt 5, the margin of which is occupied by Opossum Bayou which occupies small-radius meanders. The surface east of the project area is cut into by the overlying Hps (point bar deposits of small streams) sediments of the Coldwater-Tallahatchie-Yocona drainage which forms the upper part of the Yazoo system. Closer to the loess bluffs, the Pvl2 surface is overlain by loess colluvial fans.
While the main body of the braided stream deposits are sandy, generally with a basal lag deposit of gravel, the upper surfaces are often clayey. The 1942 air photos used in the Quitman County soil survey (Powell 1958: Sheets 31, 36) show the extent of clearing at that time as well as some other cultural features that will be discussed below. Soils in the project area were not surveyed in detail, probably because much of the area had not yet been cleared and put under cultivation. The soils belong to the Alligator-Sharkey clay association, familiarly known as "gumbo" land. The portions of the project area still wooded ca. 1940-1950 are simply mapped as Alligator and Dowling clays. In cleared areas mapped in more detail, ridges and knolls (braided stream surface interfluves) are mapped as Alligator and Sharkey clays, nearly level while intervening water courses (remnant channels of the braided stream network) are mapped as Dowling clay and silty clay.
Original land survey notes on file at the Quitman County courthouse were examined for the township containing the project area. Surveyors evaluated all of the lands of the O'Keefe WMA as "land of little value" and describe it as containing trees of inferior grade for lumber, and having thick vines and briars, sometimes under water. No large lakes, sloughs or bayous were noted in the area of this survey.
Upon beginning the investigations, it was immediately evident that the area had three periods of potential significance. These are 1) the Paleo-Indian and Early Archaic periods, from at least 13,000 years ago to about 5,000 or 6,000 years ago, 2) the ca. 1900-1909 timber boom resulting from the arrival of the Yazoo & Mississippi Valley Railroad (YMV) and the establishment of the sawmill village of Chancy, and 3) the existence of Camp B of the infamous "Parchman Farm" penitentiary, 1916-1973. These potential periods of interest will be discussed in this section.
Quitman County was settled from older cotton-growing areas in both Panola County in the hills to the east and the higher, sandy geologically recent natural levees in Coahoma County. Quitman county, cut out of Coahoma, Tunica, Panola and Tallahatchie counties in 1877, is predominantly lowlaying, heavy soil. According to the soil survey (Powell 1958:27) approximately half of Quitman County soils belong to the poorly drained Alligator-Sharkey-Dowling clay soil series. Most of the county was ill-suited to cultivation until levees, railroads and ditches had been built, work not finished until the first decades of the 20th century. In the last two decades much of this marginal farmland has been removed from cultivation by US Department of Agriculture foreclosures and is being allowed to slowly reseed with oak, ash and elm as well as a surprising amount of early sucessional stage cedars and pines.
Willis (2000:141, 143) notes that while the populations of Delta counties had strong black majorities, the 1900 census showed that there were 13,500 literate blacks and 3,500 literate whites; over half of black adult men could read. In 1892, half of registered voters in three Delta counties (Bolivar, Coahoma, and Quitman) were black, and that blacks registered to vote (paying poll and levee taxes and passing literacy requirements) were in the majority in Quitman County (142:124). This is a small percentage of the black men; however, finding even this many blacks registered to vote at this time is surprising. The region was entirely dependant on the production of cotton. The rates planters paid on their annual borrowing averaged around 12% in the late 19th and early 20th centuries (Willis 2000:122); they passed this interest charge on to their tenants, along with additional charges on their annual "furnish." Tenants seldom came out of a crop with a significant amount of cash, due both to frequently low prices and extortionary tactics practiced by many planters. Therefore, many black men sought wage labor on the levees and railroads, where they found more brutal conditions and the same unwillingness to pay out cash for labor.
As throughout the earlier 19th century, the late 19th century experience a period of "boom and bust" cycles that greatly affected the prices of primary products such as cotton and lumber. It was during one of the late 19th century's periods of low cotton prices that the deeply indebted Louisville, New Orleans and Texas (LNO&T) was sold to the Illinois Central (IC), which had already began to extend its rail empire into Mississippi with its purchase of the Mississippi Central (Willis 2000:104-105). Brandfor (1967:75), on the other hand, notes that it was the general success of the LNO&T that caused its takeover by the IC, and that IC President Stuyvesant Fish negotiated the $25,000,000 purchase in 1892. Expansion soon followed. The IC assumed that it would take over a tax exemption granted to the LNO&T, however in a court case spanning from the 1898 purchase until 1902, a final U.S. Supreme Court decision upheld the decision of the Mississippi courts and ultimately resulted in the IC's payment of $1,400,000 in back taxes (Branford 1967:185, 188, 190, 195, 196). Throughout this time, the IC sought advantages in the political battle that was going on in Mississippi and other Southern states between the populists (primarily poor whites from the hills) and the traditional powers of state government (dominated by Mississippi Valley planters in combination with "New South" industrial interests). In 1900, when Longino succeeded "bottom rail" politician McLaurin as governor, the IC's Fish assumed the courts would be more favorable to his claim of tax exception, but the state ruled against the purchasing railroad continuing in the former entity's tax-exempt status. After 1900, the IC's annual gross income was more than twice the amount owed in back taxes (Brandfor 1967:165). This is in spite of the fact that after 1907 timber prices were low, and that in the same year the boll weevil began to spread east of the Mississippi. About the same time, Stuyvesant Fish was ousted from the presidency by a junta of stockholders; he continued to be important in the development of the railroad (Brandfor 1967:183).
Railway atlases compiled for the Illinois Central Railroad show the history of settlement in the project area. The earliest available map (Rand, McNally 1883) shows the county seat, Belen, as the only settlement in Quitman County. Cassidy, Hopson's and Opossum bayous are shown, along with the Coldwater, Tallahatchie and Yokona rivers. The only railroads in the Delta were the short cotton hauling line from the Helena, Arkansas, crossing through Glendale, Magnolia and Jonestown to Clarksdale (built as a narrow gauge line in 1874) and the line under construction from Greenville through Greenwood and Carrollton to Winona, to junction with the antebellum (1856) north-south main from Memphis through such settlements as Como Depot, Sardis, Batesville, Courtland and Pope's Depot. It was the construction of this line that led to the abandonment of such early Panola County settlements as the original Como, Panola, and Belmont in favor of sites on the railroad.
By the time the 1906 Rand McNally atlas had been prepared, several branches of the Yazoo & Mississippi Valley had been built (the Tutwiler to Quitman County line, built 1900-1903), but there were as yet no named settlements on the recently completed Swan Lake-Lambert line (Swan Lake cutoff, built 1905-1907), built largely to remove the bottomland timber and open the section to farming. Parts of the old Helena line had been abandoned, with it no longer reaching Clarksdale (by then a rail junction in its own right), but terminating as it still does at Jonestown/Eagle Nest (the Alcorn Plantation).
Settlements on the mainline of the YMV (Lake Cormorant-Tutwiler) in Quitman County were Sledge, Falcon, Darling, Essex, Hinchcliff, Marks, Lambert, Yarbrough and Vance, all still extant to one degree or another, although Essex and Yarbrough are little more than farm headquarters now. This is the railroad famous as the "Yellow Dog." The railroad had missed the old seat, Belen, which would soon be moved to Marks. The country of the Cassidy-Hopson-Opossum bayou and Tallahatchie-Yoknapatawpha river remained devoid of named settlements. The 1906 atlas also shows the Sardis and Delta branch line, also known as the Carrier line) from the Illinois Central at Sardis through the stops and stations at Davis Chapel, McIvor, Lauve, Malone, Ballentine, Baptist, Burke, Dye, and Carrier, to end at Red Gum. The S&D was begun around 1906. Today only Davis and McIvor, churches, and Ballentine, a farm headquarters, remain as named settlements.
The post-1920 railroad atlas (Rand McNally n.d.) shows the same settlements as the 1906 map, with additional settlements now located on the Memphis-Tutwiler main (Roland, near Darling; Burgess, north of Marks; and Oliverfried, Denton, Longstreet and Carr between Yarborough and Vance; Figure 7). There were by then settlements on the Swan Lake-Lambert branch of the YMV line: Harriett, Chancy, and Pates in Quitman County, and, in Tallahatchie County, Hiram, Stover, Brazil, Mikoma (Mike Omar), and Roth. The Carrier (S&D) line had already been shortened, ending as a common, or public, carrier at Baptist, although the log road still probably reached Lake Carrier. Ca. 1920 stops on the Sardis and Delta were Johnson's Hill, Wood's Hotel, Malone's and Ballentine. A second short logging line had been built south of the Carrier line; flag stops and stations on this line (the Batesville & Southwestern or Darnell line) ran from Batesville, through Robinson's Crossing, Asa, Stone, and Sutton to Crowder at the junction of the Quitman, Panola and Tallahatchie county lines, then a major sawmill center. The B&SW began around 1903. With the exception of the isolated farming town of Crowder, most of these were short-lived flag stops and are, like Chancy, extinct as named settlements. On the ca. 1920 map, the name of the river was given as "Yokona" rather than Yoknapatapha. The S&D and B&SW lines were taken up and sold for scrap in the 1930s.
One of these railroad-centered sawmill towns, Chancy, was located in the project area. Brieger (1980) states that Chancy was in existence between 1900 and 1909, with a sawmill operated by the Lamb-Fish Lumber Co. He believes the town became extinct with the closing of the Lamb-Fish mill. However, this is obviously in error, because the Swan Lake cutoff was not constructed until 1905-1907. Adkins (1979:125) notes that Chancy had a maximum population of 250, but was never an incorporated town, and that this lumber town existed between 1900 and 1940. Chancy appears in the 1906 Rand McNally atlas as a rail station, but no population is given; the settlement was not yet in existence when the 1900 census was made. Chancy apparently had its own post office ca. 1906, as no other postal address is given for the settlement; many YMV villages had flag stops that included delivery of mail bags. Rand McNally (n.d.:15) gives the 1920 population as 260, with Lambert being the post office for the settlement.
By 1900 it was obvious that Mississippi's tradition of leasing convicts resulted in the enrichment of a few planters and contractors at the expense of the state, because prisoners were worked and beaten literally to the point of death and then returned to die in the state's paupers' hospitals. In 1904, when Vardaman was governor, the state purchased 20,000 acres for several prison farms, the largest the Parchman place in the Delta. A sawmill was built and the land was cleared and drained and put to cotton. In 1905, the system turned a profit of $185,000. This profit motive would continue, and for many years early in the 20th century, the profits of the prison farms paid half of the state's public education budget. Field camps were the responsibility of sergeants who were above all else under pressure to make a crop for the pay of $50 a month. Some were drunks and sadists who frequently beat men with straps or ax handles for stealing, fighting, loafing, or disrespect as well as offenses such as breaking shovel handles (Oshinsky 1996:109, 150). One aspect of the Mississippi prisons that shocked Northern penologists (and caught the attention of Texas prison keepers, also with a largely black prison population) was the use of prisoners as armed guards. Gangs of 50 to 100 field hands were guarded by 2 white overseers with whips and pistols, 2 trusties with shotguns and 2 with rifles. These 6 guards rode the edges of the fields and were ordered to fire on anyone attempting to escape, first with the shotgun and then if he failed to stop with the rifle. A trusty "shooter" who killed a would-be escapee expected a pardon for his work (Oshinsky:147-148). Other trusties included the "dog boys" who kept and handled the bloodhounds. The Mississippi prison farms also had another innovation considered most unusual at the time, allowing conjugal visits by wives, girlfriends and whores. One former official noted that they "told everybody that them whores was wives. That kept the Baptists off our backs" (Oshinsky 1996:153).
Cohn (1948) describes the Delta of the 1920s and 1930s as rife with violence and crime. Most of the crime that resulted in imprisonment in the state penitentiary was committed by blacks against other blacks or whites. He characterizes most theft, the commonest crime, as black-on-black, with theft of cotton, cotton seed, chickens, money and other items from cabins being the common form. Well-connected blacks (those working for the white planters) could count on being saved from prison by the influence of their white patrons if they were good farmers, valuable workers, or known to be otherwise "steady". Cohn also notes that the entire population of the Delta was well armed, and that crimes of passion connected with sex and gambling were the common result. The patronizing attitude of whites towards "childlike" blacks tolerated this violence to a large degree as inevitable, and he also opines that it was not considered a disgrace, but rather a misfortune, in the black community for a man to be convicted and jailed. Then as now, it was a common rite of passage for young black men; years later ethnomusicologist Alan Lomax found bars full of men who remembered Parchman work songs. Cohn (1948) also believed that the conditions on the prison farm were about the same as those on the plantation: the prisoner had the same gang work in the fields, the same food, and the same entertainments (cards, dice, tobacco, alcohol, and women). The men were locked in large barracks buildings at night and left to themselves to sort out their own leadership. One former guard said that "the camps was wide open....You could get everything you ever wanted. There was always cash being smuggled in. The trusties ran the drugs; there was ladies on weekends, and dice rolling all the time" (Oshinsky 1996:227). It is common folklore in Quitman County that expert moonshiners tended stills on the prison farm. Mississippi prisons were racially segregated until 1973; the mixing of prisoners coupled with the long-term lockups that came with the court-ordered end to prison farming resulted in a great deal of violence in the "cages" in the 1970s. The Lambert camp (Camp B) was a black prison; the only whites on the place would have been a few guards. The prison population at the initiation of the prison farm system was around 10% white and throughout the century the white prison camps were at Parchman. With Prohibition in 1918, the number of whites in the prison system increased due to federal pursuit of distilling and tax cases, and continued to do so despite Repeal in 1933, so that throughout the 20th century the black:white ratio of state prisoners declined from 60:40 in 1910 to 40:60 in 1970. During the Depression more poor whites came to the prisons "convicted for crimes of hunger, not honor", that is burglary and robbery (Oshinsky 1996:163).
In the 1930s, the prison system received $75,000 from the federal government to abandon 4000 acres, and amount exceeded only by the $115,000 paid to the Delta and Pine Land (DPL) corporation for their cotton acreage reduction (Oshinsky 1996:224). After this time, the prison farms ceased to be profitable, although many whites still thought of "Parchman" as an ideal system. In the 1940s and 1950s, with a prison population holding at around 1800-2500 (Oshinsky 1996:252), the prison farms did not mechanize, and were in fact still hand picking cotton in the 1960s (Oshinsky 1996:225). In the 1940s, some incentives were offered, such as 10-day Christmas furloughs for about ¼ of the prisoners (almost all returned at the end of their furlough), and the initiation of small-scale educational programs for white prisoners (Oshinsky 1996:227). Around 1970, the brutal beating deaths of several black and white prisoners, particularly by trusties, resulted in a Federal class action lawsuit alleging violation of the 1st, 8th, 13th and 14th amendments. The prison farms were recognized as deadly, decaying and antiquated facilities where prisoners were allowed to assault and kill each other, and where they were left unsupervised in the nighttime hours. This led to the first U.S. Justice Department intervention in a state prison system. In 1972, the deciding judge in the Gates case, Judge Keady, stated that the lack of housing, medical care, and physical protection violated the clause against "cruel and unusual" punishment. After this decision, most of the prison land, some 13,000 acres was leased to private mechanized farmers and the prisoners were kept locked up. The use of hired, poorly-paid civilian guards began at the same time (Oshinsky 1996:245, 250). The author's father, F. Raynor Starr, notes that around 1973 a large auction of farm equipment, horses and mules, guns and other prison tools was held to dispose of the state farm's property. The advertisements or records of this sale would be a valuable resource for historic or archaeological investigations of the prison farm system.
The project area lies within a large tract of land sold by the O'Keefe family to the State of Mississippi in about 1916. This land included that originally logged from Chancy. The prison farm was not contiguous with the main state penitentiary farm at Parchman in nearby Sunflower County; it was commonly known as the Lambert camp. Brieger (1980) notes that the station known as Keefe was established after 1916, when the state purchased 4000 acres for a penal farm in Quitman County. Bilbo was governor and Ernest J. O'Keefe was the superintendent of the state prisons. In 1917, a short spur was run from the Swan Lake cutoff of the YMV to this farm, and it was at this time that the name was shortened to "Keefe." Oshinsky (1996:154) notes that Superintendent O'Keefe made 6977 bales on this new ground in 1917, despite bad weather and the arrival of the boll weevil. Taylor (1999:41) states that the Lambert prison camp tract was 5000 acres, and that it brought the total state prison farm lands, already mostly consolidated at Parchman in Sunflower County, to 29,000 acres. By the time the O'Keefe land was purchased by the state, the prisoners had nearly completed the clearing of the Parchman farm. Taylor (1999:68,69) portrays the land deal as a flagrant violation of Gov. Vardaman's principal of centralization, and notes that after Vardaman left office in 1917 the prison system was underfunded and used very run-down facilities. He states that the Parchman and O'Keefe land deals both benefited political appointees, and both gave the state inferior land with poor drainage at high prices. J.M. Parchman was appointed warden after his Parchman place was bought by the state; E. J. O'Keefe was superintendent from 1915-1921, during the time his family sold these cut-over floodplain lands to the state.
The earliest available mapping for the project area is the 15" topographic quadrangle series. This map shows two prison farm camps, A and B. Camp A only appears on the early maps; apparently after this area was cleared it was sold by the state to private farmer(s). The 1942 air photos (see Quitman County soil survey) show the development of a ditching system distinctive to the penitentiary lands. Roughly parallel ditches, oriented roughly north-south crossed the prison fields to drain into east-west lateral ditches. The fields created by this ditching were of about 10-30 acres. The grid of drainage is distinctively irregular and must have been laid out by "eyeball" and not by surveyors. This landscape appears to be peculiar to the prison farm.
Throughout the mid-20th century, the Lomax family made recordings of folk music. These recordings are now considered a priceless cultural resource, and have long been mined for material by a wide range of performers. Alan Lomax died in 2002. A recent movie soundtrack "O Brother Where Art Thou?" has included a 1959 Alan Lomax recording of a Camp B "chain gang" chopping wood to the field chant "Po' Laz'ruz" led by prisoner James Carter (UMG Recording 2000). The designation as a chaingang is dubious; after the end of convict leasing in the 1910s, few state prisoners were worked in shackles, and only then when they were considered an escape risk. The photograph accompanying the CD shows the men are not shackled. Additional photos from the 1959 Lambert recording session, as well as Lomax's own commentary on his efforts can be found in "The Land Where The Blues Began" (Lomax 1993, Tadlock 1982). He notes that while his father began recording prisoners in the 1930s, it was only with the 1959 field expedition that good-quality, stereo recording equipment was available, but that by that time, prison work songs had lost much of their flavor and fervor (Lomax 1993:329). Lomax also notes, in a conversation with a panpipe ("quills") player in a fife-and-drum band from the hills, that both he and the musician had relatives James (white) and Jeems (black) Lomax, both from Quitman County. One of the Mississippi prison work songs recorded by Lomax (Tadlock 1982:19) runs:
I been calling you for 12 long years, Rosie, You won't answer, wonder do you hear. [chorus] Oh Rosie, Oh Lord, gal Oh Rosie, Oh Lord, gal. Go ahead and marry, don't you wait for me, Long haul over and I can't go free. [chorus] Look on your finger and think of me Ring I bought you when I was free. [chorus]
Lomax notes that "once there were scores of such songs. Now there are only a few left and only a handful of the older generation remembers them" (Tadlock 1982:3).
A few details from the photos are relevant to material culture studies. While many of the men from the main (Parchman) camps were wearing civilian shirts, at the same time (1959) the Lambert camp men wore "round-a-bout" striped canvas shirts and pants ("up-and-downs" signified trusties). They wore their own caps and hats, but appear to have government issue low boots and belts. Singing included on the "O Brother Where Art Thou" recording appears to come from the same event as these photos. The prisoners are using single bit axes and are cutting up firewood in a fenced lot with some surrounding large trees, probably the farm area of Camp B just behind the Camp B "cage" (prison dormitory). The landscape otherwise is indistinguishable beyond being flat fields. Lomax describes the method of felling trees with axes, with four men working in opposing pairs around a tree, singing to keep in time. He also notes prisoner's nicknames, the attitudes of both black prisoners and white guards to his work, and the resulting tension between the behavior both expected of him and his personal attitudes that had to remain disguised in order to be allowed to work in the Southern prisons.
A total of 3 archaeological sites were identified in the project area. One of these "sites" actually includes 4 discrete locations that are discussed below under a single site number. Two other site numbers were obtained for related sites outside the area of intended impact, including the location of the main part of Chancy (22-Qu-987) and a sawmill foundation (22-Qu-990).
This site is the main village and working area of the ca. 1900 village of Chancy. It includes occupation areas on the east and west sides of the railroad and highway. Four surface collections were made. These are all general surface collections from 1) the area still occupied in the 1930s, 2) a small sample from a foodplot, and 3 and 4) complete surface collections from the north and south halves of the foodplot. The area occupied after the sawmill era has a moderate density of brick, tile, concrete, glass, and ceramics. The area is seasonally inundated and is being reforested. The foodplot, to the north, is an area of about 2 acres. Game Warden Kiinhl pointed out this area as one where he had found old bottles. Air photos indicate occupation east of the railroad on the bank of an old slough; these areas were not visited but are included in the site definition. The foodplot at the northwest corner of the clearing appears to be purely associated with the sawmill-era occupation, based on the artifact classes recovered (strong predominance of solarized glass, abundant Albany and Bristol slipped machine-moulded stoneware jugs, "hotel ware" or thick semiporcelain). All collections from the site are summarized in Table 1.
A piece of cast iron from the foodplot, probably a fragment of a stove or machine, has a raised "M." One semiporcelain sherd has a partial backstamp "...TON.NJ" (Trenton, New Jersey, a major ceramics manufacturing center since colonial times) and another porcelain post is embossed "S.P.Co.". A fragment of solarized wide-mouth food or inkbottle is embossed "...RA.../...L REME.../...EXT.C..." ("remedy?"). Another wide-stopper food-type bottle is embossed "[TRADE] MARK...E LINE/...BROUGH/...YORK" (New York). The industrial stoneware includes many industrial jugs with shoulder shelves and brown dome tops. Tableware forms identified are plates (n=12) and cups (n=1) of earthenware; mugs/cups (n=4), plates (n=4), and large lids probably for chamber pots (n=4) of semiporcelain. Identifiable bottle forms include demijohn (n=1), panel bottle (n=2) and crown-top soda bottle (n=4) (aqua); panel bottle (n=1) (clear); cork-top (n=1), crown top soda bottle (n=2) (amber); flask (n=2), cork-top liquor (n=16), prescription/sauce stopper-top (n=1), tumbler (n=1), food/ink (n=3) (solarized). A few white glass canning jar lids were recovered. Art glass ("carnival" or "Depression") glass includes a fragment with white and purple swirled glass, one thin black on white, one clear and white handle.
Table 1. 22-Qu-987, Chancy 1, Combined Surface Collections Architecture/Activities 22 brick fragments 3 firebricks 1 iron/steel hinge fragment 5 cast iron/steel stove or machine parts 7 tile fragment 3 porcelain electrical insulator 1 brass strap with rivet 7 angular white gravel 1 doorknob 2 coal 2 clinker or railroad ballast 5 solarized kerosene lamp reservoir base 1 clear lamp chimney 17 window pane glass Kitchen Biological 2 oyster shell Ceramic 1 fine redware, dark (lead/tin?) glaze 28 late refined earthenware, plain 1 late refined earthenware, handpainted 1 late refined earthenware, blue transfer 2 late refined earthenware, overglaze decal 20 semiporcelain, plain 1 semiporcelain, underglaze decal 42 stoneware 3 porcelain, plain 1 porcelain, overglaze decal Bottle glass 39 aqua 18 amber 86 solarized 7 white 3 art glass 1 dark green 3 cobalt 13 clear Personal/Tobacco 1 fragment vulcanized rubber comb 1 bisque porcelain, doll or ornament 1 amber snuff bottle shard
This site number is assigned to four discrete locations, all of which happened to lie along what appears to be a dummy line extending east from the YMV tracks at Chancey. While these are each sites under the traditional definition (discrete scatters of cultural materials) and each are located on distinct landforms, the MDAH has decided that they should be considered a single site. These are Chancy 2, 3, 4 and 5, and are described below. That they are associated with a Chancy dummy line that appears to be indicated by the trail shown on the 15" quadrangle and the 1942 air photo (see Figure 4, Powell 1958:Sheets 31, 32). This line may have at one time extended to the Tallahatchie River about a mile south of the Allen Place mound and cemetery. This is the only distinct probable dummy line shown on the early air photo, but others are suggested, and site 22-Qu-990, discussed below, not visible on the air photo, indicates a dummy line running south from Chancy.
Chancy 2 (East Dummy Line by Railroad)
This scatter of domestic and architectural material is located beside the paved highway, on the east side of the highway. The site, which is outside the area of impact, was visited to confirm the location as the origin of what appeared to be a dummy line, based on the finding of Chancy sites 3 and 4. Coal and a railroad spike at Chancy 4, considered with the straight trail shown on the 1935 and 1939 Tutwiler 15" quadrangles (see Figure 8), indicated that this trail or wagon road followed a sawmill-era dummy line. The scatter is densest near the highway, but a light scatter of glass and other material extends to the east in the line indicated. There is no trace of the surface now to indicate this dummy line location besides these very lightly scattered artifacts. The materials are largely contemporary with the other Chancy sites (Table 2). The brick, tile and window glass are as at other sites. The ceramics include thick "hotel ware" of semiporcelain as found at 22-Qu-987. A partial backmark on refined earthenware is "Florence ...C.BROS.CO."
Table 2: Chancy 2 General Surface Collection Architecture/Activities 17 brick fragments 10 tile and/or firebrick fragments 1 concrete 3 cast iron/steel machine/stove parts 1 coal 1 coal cinder 7 window pane Kitchen Ceramics 25 late refined earthenware, plain 2 semiporcelain, plain 22 stoneware 2 porcelain 2 burned unclassified Bottle glass 33 solarized 12 aqua 1 white 2 amber 1 clear Personal/Toys 2 porcelain doll fragments
Chancy 3 (East Dummy Line Small Clearing West of Slough)
This small, sparse scatter of historic material lies on a small knoll on the west bank of an old slough. There was a small clearing here on an east west trail (interpreted as an old dummy line) as shown on the 1939 Tutwiler 15" quadrangle.
The site was last planted in beans. Visibility was poor. A complete pick-up of all material noted was made in about half an hour. The site appears to be linear, oriented along a slight north-south trending ridge on the west side of a shallow slough. The artifacts were badly plow broken and generally too small to have much interpretive value. Artifacts recovered included architectural materials (n=7) and kitchen ceramics (n=6) and bottle glass (n=14), along with a fragment of a snuff bottle and various other materials not specifiable as to type of activity represented (Table 3). A firebrick fragment has partial stamping reading"...AN..."; the brick, firebrick and flue tile are of the sorts typical of the Chancy sites. A fragment of a panel bottle is embossed "CIN.O." (Cincinnati, Ohio).
Table 3. 22-Qu-988, Chancy 3 General Surface Collection Materials. Architecture/Activities 1 brick fragment 1 firebrick fragment 5 tile fragments 3 iron/steel cast stove or machine parts 1 angular white gravel 1 unidentified black material, mineral? Kitchen Ceramics 4 late refined earthenware, plain 3 porcelain, plain Bottle glass 4 aqua 8 solarized 2 clear Tobacco 1 amber snuff bottle shard
Chancy 4 (East Dummy Line Small Clearing East of Slough)
This small scatter of coal, glass, ceramics, and flue/drain tile lies on a small knoll, an island surrounded by ice at the time of the survey, on the east bank of an old slough or braided stream channel. It appears on the 1939 Tutwiler 15" quadrangle as a small cleared knoll on a trail running east from the YMVRR towards the Tallahatchie River.
The site was last planted to beans and surface visibility was moderate. About 45 minutes was spent in collecting the site, a complete pick-up of all material noted was made (Table 4). No brick was found on the site, although there was a small concentration of coal in the southwest quarter of the site. The buff tile and green-tinted pane glass are typical of the Chancy sites. The doorknob is of marbled brown and yellow clay with a "Rockingham" type glaze. The earthenware includes 2 plates and a cup handle. All of the stoneware appears to be industrially manufactured with a buff paste. The stoneware includes an Albany brown glazed jug and 2 Albany/Bristol (white) moulded jug shoulders. The white bottle glass includes 2 canning jar seals and an ointment/cosmetic jar. The solarized glass includes 2 cork liquor bottle necks.
Table 4. 22-Qu-988, Chancy 4, General Surface Collection Materials. Architecture/Activities 1 doorknob 1 railroad spike 3 cast iron/steel machine or stove parts 1 fragment of writing slate 13 window pane shards 5 tile fragments 14 coal 2 coal shale 1 coal cinder 1 iron slag 1 unidentified fragment, vulcanized rubber? Kitchen Ceramics 13 late refined earthenware, plain 2 late refined earthenware transfer decorated (1 red, 1 black) 3 semiporcelain 4 stoneware (2 Albany/Bristol, 1 Albany/Albany, 1 Bristol fragment) Bottle glass 1 cobalt 2 amber 3 white 2 clear 2 aqua 25 solarized Tobacco 1 amber snuff bottle shard
Chancy 5 (East Dummy Line and Later Farmstead)
This site, the fourth on the east dummy line, is a large and moderately dense scatter. The 1935/1939 Tutwiler 15" quadrangles show a structure on this location; however, most of the material recovered appears to relate to the Chancy sawmill era. This site also has a minor prehistoric occupation, as indicated by 1 chert biface thinning flake, 1 limonitic siltstone fragment, and a slab of ferruginous sandstone.
A large general surface collection was made (Table 5). About an hour and a half was spent in collecting the site and ascertaining its boundaries. The site covers the entirety of a pronounced elevation, probably the highest spot in the project area. Bottles include 2 wide-mouth stopper-top bottles, 3 cork-top liquor bottle, 2 mason jar rims (screw top), a crown-top soda bottle, and 6 panel bottles, one embossed "KOPF CO. C..." Ceramics include 11 plate fragments, a cup rim, and a basin rim. The nuts and bolts appear to be those used to connect rail ends with plates. The cast aluminum cylinder fragment is of the same type as that found at 22-Qu-991. The brick and window pane are the same as those at other Chancy sites.
Table 5. Historic Materials from Chancy 5 General Surface Collection. Architecture/Activities 16 brick fragments 4 tile/fire brick fragments 8 window pane 1 lamp chimney, clear glass 1 kerosene lamp reservoir base 3 angular white gravel 2 coal/iron clinker 3 coal 1 cast aluminum cylinder 4 flat/cast iron/steel 5 nuts, large, square 3 bolts matching nuts 3 railroad spikes Kitchen Ceramics 34 late refined earthenware 1 late refined earthenware, green transfer 3 semiporcelain 21 stoneware Bottle glass 3 amber 3 cobalt 2 white 1 art glass Personal/Toys 1 porcelain doll or ornament fragment
This site was initially defined as an isolated find of scattered coal. After the previously discussed sites (Chancy 3 and 4) had been documented, it seemed likely that this isolated find may have represented a second dummy line, and the area was revisited. Careful examination of the projected route of this second dummy line for about one and a half hours resulted in confirmation, as additional coal as well as numerous railroad spikes were found in an area about 200 m long in a roughly north-south orientation. The entire Chancy-era collection consists of 8 railroad spikes, 9 pieces of coal, 3 coal cinders, a piece of iron clinker, a piece of amorphous burned clay, and two pieces of clear glass. The site runs north northwest-south southeast along a very slight ridge. The historic component is interpreted as a temporary logging dummy line and associated work area extending south, probably from the vicinity of the sawmill (22-Qu-990).
The site also has a minor prehistoric scatter as well, consisting of 3 pieces of debitage found along this very slight ridge while searching for historic artifacts. They probably represent Archaic use of the area.
This site is marked by a concrete foundation, filled with rubble of brownish red silty brick of the same type as noted on other WMA sites, surrounded by a dense scatter of brick and gravel. The location was pointed out to the author by Game Warden Kiinhl. The site is not designated as a structure on the 1935, 1939, 1942 or 1967 maps, further indication that it is associated with the original 1910-1920 occupation of Chancy.
This small, low density lithic scatter lies on the same ridge system as Chancy 5, and is separated by it by about 100 m of lower lying ground. The site is on a rather pronounced bankline of a braided stream channel, now a small shallow seasonal slough immediately west of the site. The site appears to date to the Archaic period, as the only materials recovered were lithics. The name of the site comes from the prisoners' name for the field, according to Game Warden Kiihnl. The land was last planted to soybeans. It appears to measure about 60 x 30 m, along a north-south trending ridge.
Artifacts from the site were 3 pieces of fire-cracked rock, 2 fragments of limonitic siltstone, 1 tan chert fragment of a large biface, a possible chert tested pebble, a lime concretion which may be a nodule from the loess (loessekinchen). Three historic artifacts were also recovered; these are likely to be associated with the logging around Chancy. They are a fragment of cast aluminum of the same diameter and thickness of cylinder as that recovered from Chancy 5 (22-Qu-988) and two small fragments of flat glass, perhaps pane glass from a structure or machine cab.
The site is a low density prehistoric lithic scatter. No diagnostics were recovered, despite about 30 minutes spent examining the site. The historic component appears to be associated with the Chancy sites. It is a logical location for a dummy line spur off the main dummy line represented by the 22-Qu-988 sites. If so, an ephemeral early 20th century use is indicated as well as probable Archaic occupation.
The project results were as expected. Three minor lithic scatters were identified, and although non-diagnostic, probably represent Archaic period occupation. A wide range of sites associated with the extinct sawmill village of Chancy were recorded. These include residential areas that appear to date purely to the sawmilling era, as well as areas that are contaminated with later agricultural occupation to around 1940, a sawmill foundation, and dummy or tram lines (temporary logging railroads). Very little debris from post-logging occupation was noted. Occasional finds of metal, brick and stoneware were noted. Little brass was found, but plastic shotgun shells were fairly common. Modern refuse is limited, with bottle glass being rather rare. No housesites that could not be associated with Chancy were recorded, although occupation at Chancy 5 probably extended into the farming period after the main timber cutting, ca. 1940. This is expected, as this was crop and wood land worked by prisoners, with the agricultural lands finally rented to commercial operations after the introduction of fully-mechanized farming. The Chancy east dummy line sites, however, lie in the part of the O'Keefe WMA that was obtained from the Allen family rather than the MDOC; this tract has long been an private inholding in the prison farm.
In 2002, this author conducted Phase I and II investigations at a Piney Woods sawmill town, Mish, in Covington County (Starr 2002b, 2002c). Other areas have seen extensive archaeological investigations of the 1880-1920 lumber boom (see McGuff et al. for a review of Trans-Mississippi operations focusing on Phase II investigations in the Oauchita Mountains). Historic archaeology in Mississippi is in the stage of infancy, so the Mish project seemed a valuable chance to evaluate the significance of the many extinct, often short-lived, sawmill villages that sprang up in the decades around 1900. There are important areas of similarity as well as important contrasts between the Piney Woods site of Mish and the Delta site of Chancy. The primary contrast is in the materials worked, bottomland hardwoods in the Delta and upland pines in the Piney Woods.
Mississippi, surpassed only by Indiana, leads the nation in extinct towns, based on the total number of named places dropped from the federal census,1870-1960 (Adkins 1979: Table 1). Adkins (1979:132) shows only 5 extinct sawmill towns (towns being defined as having a population of at least 100, being a county seat, being incorporated, or being the location of specialized manufacturing) in the Delta and 3 in the north-central hills, in contrast to over 50, including Mish, in the Piney Woods/Coastal Meadows region. Adkins believes that lumbering in the Delta was conducted more from temporary camps (like the flag stops listed for the S&D and B&SW logging railroads), while actual towns were more common in the southern part of the state. So, while the lumber era was as typical and as significant in the Delta as it was in the Piney Woods, the extinct sawmill town is a much scarcer resource in the Delta. This is because the Delta land was suited for farming, and so most towns that began as sawmills continue to exist as farming settlements in the Delta, while the steep, dry and barren Piney Woods could not support much agriculture after the timber had been cut, and were allowed to grow back up, or, if returned to federal ownership, were replanted. This relative abundance of the type of cultural resource alone indicates that Chancy is a more significant site than Mish. Perhaps the most significant such site in the environs of the project area is at Lake Carrier in Panola County (see Appendix for extinct sawmill towns in Coahoma, Quitman, Panola and Tallahatchie counties).
Both Chancy and Mish, as well as most other sawmill towns, were located along railroads; indeed, railroads were extended into the vast forests of the Delta and Piney Woods only after all marketable timber near streams had been cut and floated to the large mid and late 19th century mills on the coast and Mississippi River. The presence of the railroad allowed mills and supplies to be transported to the site and the lumber products to be shipped to market. They also provided the source of supplies for the managers and workers, such as groceries, drink, clothing, tools and household equipment. This means that the material objects found on these sites should be highly redundant standard industrial products, identical over large areas. As site functions were similar despite the diverse environments reached by the timbering boom, general artifact patterns, expressed as percentages of functional categories should be identifiable for the sawmill towns. Many consumer goods as well as the mill equipment itself often came from a great distance, and local manufacturers probably had a limited role.
An exception may be bulky and heavy materials such as brick. The bricks from Chancy, apparently loessial in origin, likely came from a plant located on the Illinois Central somewhere between Memphis and Grenada. However, some of the Chancy firebrick, and possibly the flue tile as well, comes from St. Louis, a major center of refractory clay manufacturing. Logan (1902) lists the brick manufacturers of north Mississippi and provides descriptions of processes and machinery that are highly relevant to the archaeological interpretation of architectural materials. Those nearest the project area, on the YMV, and manufacturing with loess derived Columbia clays were the Valley Brick and Tile Co. at Lake View (DeSoto County), the Brown Brick Co. at Crenshaw (Panola County), and Charleston Improvement Co. in Charleston (Tallahatchie County, reached by a YMV branch from Phillip in 1906. There were numerous other plants on or near the old Mississippi & Tennessee line of the IC, including T.B. Montgomery and Sons or Montgomery Brick Co. in Senatobia (Tate County), Buchanan Brick Manufacturing Co. in Sardis (Panola County), Norris Brick Manufacturing Co at Water Valley (Yalobusha County), and several plants in and near Grenada. A more careful study of brick is called for, with attention to the manufacturing process (materials, soft vs. stiff mud vs. dry, and molded vs. end cut vs. extruded). The project area bricks are almost certainly made of loessial clay (Logan's "Columbia"). While they are hard and high-fired, they are porous and seem to have been made with a soft mud process. That some of these machine-made bricks exhibit the sand-coated sides typical of hand-molded bricks probably indicates that an early form of molding machine not far different from the hand process was in use. Unfortunately, the brick samples from the Chancy sites are generally too small and fragmented to provide very much information that might be used to determine the source of the bricks. Larger fragments and some relatively intact bricks were noted, but, unfortunately, not collected or analyzed in the field beyond noting that they were machine-made.
While the Mish work revealed the low level of historical documentation relating to the sawmill era in the Piney Woods, it appears that the Delta's logging era is even more poorly represented in the historical record. Search of the issues of The Journal of Mississippi History revealed very few articles about logging, and only one pertaining to the Delta, a highly anecdotal account of the Carrier operation, which laid the Sardis and Delta railroad into the area northeast of the project area (Silver 1957). It seems likely that the same documentary records as well found to be available in the Covington County courthouse would be available for the Lamb-Fish operation at Chancy. Timber leases, land purchases, and land sales were readily available to reconstruct the area cut over from Mish. The same range of documents should be available for Quitman County. Mish's existence was found to fall between the 1900 census, dating from the spring before the mill was established, and the 1910 census, due to a ca. 1908-1909 fire. For Chancy, some census information should be seen in the 1910 and 1920 census records. It can be argued, on one hand, that historic archaeological sites are more significant when the material record is the only one available, and that, on the other hand, that an extensive amount of documentation allows for a more thorough and detailed interpretation of the archaeological site. Chancy seems likely to be well documented in legal records, but this possibility was not investigated by this project. Perhaps the best sources, not examined in the Mish or O'Keefe WMA projects are the lumber trade journals and the local newspapers. Hopefully, more detailed histories of particular towns could be informed by these sources.
The artifact pattern identified at the sites associated with Chancy is very, indeed, highly distinctive. Architectural and industrial activity materials include 1) hard, silty brownish-red machine-made bricks, perhaps manufactured in the loess hills zone; 2) yellowish or buff, grog-tempered flue and drain tile and fire brick, probably from St. Louis; 3) hard coal, coal cinder and clinker; 4) railroad tie spikes and nuts and bolts for rail connection plates, and porcelain electrical insulators (coupled with abundant evidence of kerosene lamps). The domestic assemblages are marked by 1) a prevalence of solarized (purple, amethyst, or "desert") glass, along with amber (brown) and aqua (blue-green tinted) glass, and very low percentages of cobalt (blue), white and clear glass; 2) mostly cork and glass-stopper top bottles, with a few crown top (bottlecap) closures and a very few screw-top closures (zinc and glass lidded Mason jars and ointment pots); 3) whiskey, medicine, ink and food bottles; 4) three-part molded and suction molded bottles; 4) a prevalence of Albany and Bristol (brown and white) stoneware, with all identifiable vessels being jugs or rare toilet items (wash basins and chamber pot lids); and 5) a ca. 1900 range of tablewares, dominated by plain, embossed or overglaze decal decorated refined earthenware, with strong representation of semiporcelain thick "hotel" ware and plain porcelain. The sites also produced numerous stove and machine parts of cast iron, steel, copper/brass, and aluminum. The find of the aluminum seems associated with Chancy; its function is not known, but it should be noted that, based on prices in the Sears catalog (Amory 1969), aluminum cost 2 to 4 times more than comparable items of iron or galvanized metal. Furnishings and personal items were limited to kerosene lamp reservoirs/bases, chimneys, and shades; a vulcanized rubber comb fragment; and a few doll or ornament parts. No clothing, arms or tobacco-related items (besides a few snuff-bottle fragments) were recovered, but the collections are small. It is believed that this, or a very similar, artifact pattern should be found at other, contemporary Delta sawmills along the YMV, especially any others related to the Lamb-Fish Lumber Co.
Various historical studies (Courtwright 1983, Young 1983) have shown that opium and morphine use and addiction was higher in the South than any other region. It is to be expected that use in the notoriously unhealthy Delta would have been high. This opiate use would be shown most clearly in high percentages of paneled medicine bottles in site assemblages. Courtwright (1983) notes that opium addiction was generally caused by ill-trained and ill-equipped doctors who had no other remedy, and that it was almost exclusively an affair of the white population. The black drug-using population of the late 19th and early 20th century tended towards the occasional use of cocaine as opposed to habitual use of opium and opium derivatives. Excavations in Memphis 19th century deposits frequently encounter hypodermic needles. The 1914 Harrison Narcotic Act, calling for the registry of addicts, showed Southern cities to have from 1 to 9 addicts per thousand population registered with clinics; the actual rates, of those relying on the black market, are believed to have been much higher. Tobacco and alcohol use was also extensive. Bottle glass from the Chancy sites included square brown snuff bottles and cork-top whiskey fifth bottles. Examination of the issue of expenditures on recreational and medicinal consumption of these products in the context of a rural lumbering settlement would be of general historical interest, and could to some degree be assessed through thorough studies of bottle glass, however, in most cases it is impossible to ascertain with any degree of precision the exact contents of glass bottles.
Adkins, Howard G. 1979 The historical geography of extinct towns in Mississippi. In A Sense of Place: Mississippi, edited by P.W. Prenshaw and J.O. McKee. University of Mississippi Press.
Amory, Cleveland, editor 1969 The 1902 Edition of the Sear Roebuck Catalogue. Bounty Books, New York.
Branford, Robert L. 1967 Cotton Kingdom of the New South. Harvard University Press.
Brieger, James F. 1980 Hometown Mississippi. Manuscript on file, Mississippi Department of Archives and History.
Cohn, David L. 1948 Where I was Born and Raised. University of Notre Dame Press. (Earlier editions known as "God Shakes Creation")
Connaway, John M. 1982 Archaeological Investigations in Mississippi, 1969-1977. Mississippi Department of Archives and History Archaeological Report 6. 1984 The Wilsford Site (22-Co-516), Coahoma County, Mississippi: A late Mississippi period settlement in the northern Yazoo basin. Mississippi Department of Archives and History Archaeological Report 14. 1988 Remnant braided stream surfaces in the northern Yazoo basin: Preliminary observations. Mississippi Archaeology 23(1):43-69.
Connaway, John M. And Samuel O. McGahey 1996 Archaeological Reconnaissance: Survey of remnant braided stream surfaces in the western central Yazoo basin, Mississippi. Mississippi Archaeology 31(2):23-50.
Connaway, John M., Samuel O. Brookes and Samuel O. McGahey 1977 The Denton Site: A middle Archaic occupation in the northern Yazoo basin. Mississippi Department of Archives and History Archaeological Report 4.
Courtwright, David T. 1983 The hidden epidemic: Opiate addiction and cocaine use in the South, 1860-1920. The Journal of Southern History 49(1):57-72.
Fisk, Harold N. 1944 Geologic Investigation, Mississippi River Alluvial Valley Stream Courses. Mississippi River Commission, Vicksburg.
Johnson, Jay K., Gena M. Aleo, Rodney T. Stuart and John Sullivan 2002 The 1996 Excavations at the Batesville Mounds: A Woodland period platform mound complex in northwest Mississippi. Mississippi Department of Archives and History Archaeological Report 32.
Lomax, Alan 1993 The Land Where the Blues Began. New York.
McGuff, Paul R., Sue M. Moore and Emory L. Kemp 1993 Felling, Skidding and Dogging: A study of sawmills in the western Ouachita Mountains. Report submitted to Bureau of Reclamation, Amarillo, Texas by University of North Texas Institute of Applied Sciences
Oshinsky, David M. 1996 Worse than Slavery: Parchman farm and the ordeal of Jim Crow justice. Free Press, New York.
Powell, J.C. 1958 Soil Survey of Quitman County, Mississippi. US Department of Agriculture Soil Conservation Service.
Rand, McNally & Co. 1882 Indexed County and Township Map of Mississippi. Chicago. 1906 Indexed County and Township Map of Mississippi. Chicago. nd Indexed County and Township Map of Mississippi. Chicago.
Saucier, Rodger T. 1994 Geomorphology and Quaternary Geologic History of the Lower Mississippi Valley. Report submitted to the Mississippi River Commission, Vicksburg, by the U.S. Army Engineer Waterway Experiment Station, Vicksburg.
Silver, James W. 1957 Paul Bunyan Comes to Mississippi. Journal of Mississippi History 17(2):93-119.
Starr, Mary Evelyn 2002a Cultural resource survey of waterline extensions, Quitman and Tallahatchie Counties. Report submitted to South Quitman Utilities. 2002b Cultural Resource Survey of Approximately 140 acres in Covington County, Mississippi. Report submitted to Wildlife Technical Services by Archaeology Mississippi. 2002c Phase II Investigations at Mish. Report submitted to Wildlife Technical Services by Archaeology Mississippi Inc.
Tadlock, Paula, ed. 1982 The Land Where the Blues Began: A transcript and study guide to the film. Mississippi Arts Commission, Jackson.
Taylor, William Banks 1999 Down on Parchman Farm: The great prison in the Mississippi Delta. Ohio State University Press.
UMG Recordings 2000 O Brother, Where Art Thou? Music from a film by Joel Coen and Ethan Coen. Universal Music and Video Distribution, Inc., Universal City, California.
US Geological Survey 1935 Crowder 15" topographic quadrangle. 1935 Tutwiler 15" topographic quadrangle. 1939 Tutwiler 15" topographic quadrangle. 1967 Lambert 7.5" topographic quadrangle. 1967 Vance 7.5" topographic quadrangle.
Willis, John C. 2000 Forgotten Time: The Yazoo-Mississippi Delta after the Civil War. University of Virginia Press.
Young, James Harvey 1983 Three southern food and drug cases. The Journal of Southern History 49(1):3-36.
Robbie Kiinhl and Adam Tullos of the Mississippi Department of Wildlife, Fisheries and Parks
Sawmill Towns of Quitman, Coahoma, Tallahatchie and Panola Counties, after Brieger 1980 (a), Adkins 1979 (b), except additional information for Sledge from author.
Most data from Briers (a), most of these settlements fall below Adkin's threshold (population 100, etc.). Populations and those extinct and declining towns marked (*) are those cited by Adkins 1979.
Contact: Mary Evelyn Starr
Box 39, Sledge MS 38670
Phone (662) 444-5254
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